Almost Percent of Youth Who Are Arrested Once Are Never Arrested Again

Abort, Release, Echo:

How constabulary and jails are misused to reply to social problems

By Alexi Jones and Wendy Sawyer Tweet this
Baronial 2019
Press release

Police and jails are supposed to promote public condom. Increasingly, even so, police enforcement is called upon to answer punitively to medical and economic bug unrelated to public safety issues. As a result, local jails are filled with people who need medical care and social services, many of whom cycle in and out of jail without ever receiving the help they demand. Conversations about this trouble are becoming more frequent, but until at present, these conversations take been missing 3 fundamental data points: how many people go to jail each year, how many return, and which underlying bug fuel this bike.

In this report, we make full this troubling data gap with a new assay of a federal survey, finding that at to the lowest degree 4.ix one thousand thousand people are arrested and jailed each year,¹ and at least i in four of those individuals are booked into jail more than one time during the same twelvemonth.ⁱⁱ Our assay shows that repeated arrests are related to race and poverty, too as loftier rates of mental illness and substance utilize disorders. Ultimately, we observe that people who are jailed take much college rates of social, economic, and health problems that cannot and should not be addressed through incarceration.

Fortunately, as we discuss in our recommendations, there are policy solutions that tin break this cycle of incarceration past addressing people's needs in their communities rather than through the criminal justice organization.

By the numbers: At least 4.9 meg individuals are arrested and booked per year

Using nationally representative data from the National Survey on Drug Utilise and Health (NSDUH), we observe that at least 4.9 million individuals were arrested and booked in 2017³. Of those 4.9 meg individuals, iii.v 1000000 were arrested only once in 2017; 930,000 were arrested twice; and 430,000 were arrested three or more times.

People with multiple arrests disproportionately come up from marginalized populations

Most broadly, we find important demographic differences betwixt people with multiple arrests in the past year and those with no arrests or just one arrest. Our analysis shows that people with multiple arrests are disproportionately: Black, low-income, less educated, and unemployed. Moreover, the vast bulk are arrested for non-trigger-happy offenses. This suggests that instead of incarceration, which diminishes economic prospects, public investments in employment assistance, didactics and vocational preparation, and financial assistance would help mediate the weather that atomic number 82 marginalized individuals to police contact in the first place.

Slideshow 1. Swipe for more demographic comparisons of people jailed in one case in a year, multiple times, or not at all. For the raw data used to construct these graphs, run across Appendix Table 1.

Specifically, we find that:

• Blackness Americans are overrepresented amongst people who were arrested in 2017. Despite making upwards but 13% of the general population, Blackness men and women account for 21% of people who were arrested simply once and 28% of people arrested multiple times in 2017. This is partly cogitating of persistent residential segregation and racial profiling, which subject Black individuals and communities to greater surveillance and increased likelihood of law stops and searches.
• Poverty is strongly correlated with multiple arrests. Nearly half (49%) of people with multiple arrests in the past yr had individual incomes below $10,000 per year. In dissimilarity, well-nigh a third (36%) of people arrested only once, and only one in 5 (21%) people who had no arrests, had incomes below $10,000.
• Low educational attainment increases the likelihood of arrest, particularly multiple arrests. Two-thirds (66%) of people with multiple arrests had no more a high school education, compared to half (51%) of those who were arrested once and a third (33%) of people who had no arrests in the past year.⁵
• People with multiple arrests are four times more probable to exist unemployed (xv%) than those with no arrests in the past year (4%).
• Most people arrested multiple times don't pose a serious public rubber take chances. The vast majority (88%) of people who were arrested and jailed multiple times had not been arrested for a serious tearing offense in the past year.^vi

People with multiple arrests have greater health needs

In add-on to social and economic factors, our assay also shows that people who are arrested and booked more than once per year oftentimes have underlying wellness issues, many of which can lead to police contact. Our finding that people with multiple arrests have depression rates of violence just serious medical and mental health needs gives new urgency to the growing concerns that jails have become "the de facto mental health intendance system in many communities," and that police are ofttimes used to respond to medical and mental wellness issues, not to matters of public prophylactic.

People who were jailed were more probable than those who weren't jailed to accept serious mental and concrete health needs, and to lack wellness insurance. These needs were even more prevalent amidst those arrested more than once per year. For the raw data used to construct this graph, run into Appendix Table ane.

Our analysis demonstrates that a significant portion of people with multiple arrests accept serious mental health and medical needs that cannot and should not be addressed past jails:

• Over half (52%) of people arrested multiple times reported a substance use disorder in the past year. ^vii In contrast, 36% of people arrested one time and just vii% of people who were not arrested had a substance apply disorder in the by year.
• People with multiple arrests were three times more than probable to have a serious mental illness (25% vs. nine%) and 3 times more likely to written report serious psychological distress, including symptoms of depression and anxiety, than people with no arrests in the past year (30% vs xi%).
• People with multiple arrests were less likely to take admission to wellness care. Individuals who were arrested and booked more than than once were over 3 times more probable to have no health insurance (27%) compared to those with no arrests in the by yr (8%), and slightly more likely to lack insurance than people arrested only in one case (23%).
• HIV prevalence was 11 times college among people with multiple arrests (ane.68%) compared to people with no arrests in the by year (0.15%). There is a meaning overlap between social determinants of HIV and risk factors for incarceration; for example, intravenous drug apply, homelessness, and poverty all increase the run a risk of both HIV and incarceration. Moreover, incarceration can be especially dangerous for people living with HIV, as many jails fail to provide appropriate HIV intendance.

Fifty-fifty a few days in jail tin be especially devastating for people with serious mental wellness and medical needs, as they are cut off from their medications, support systems, and regular healthcare providers. Even worse, many people are in jail in the midst of a health crisis, such every bit mental distress or substance use withdrawal. Withal history has shown that jails are unable to provide effective mental health and medical care to incarcerated people. Jailing people with serious mental illness and substance use disorders has lethal consequences. Instead, jurisdictions must invest in public health and community-based health services, such as substance use treatment, mental wellness services, and community wellness centers, to forbid and treat the underlying issues that can lead to arrest and incarceration.

A closer look at the subset of "frequent utilizers" amid those with multiple arrests

The nearly 428,000 people who bicycle in and out of jail most frequently (i.eastward. three or more times over the course of a twelvemonth) need special attending in this report and from policymakers. These individuals, sometimes chosen "frequent utilizers," repeatedly collaborate with the criminal justice system and with public services like emergency rooms and emergency shelters.

Although no national data has been published on this miracle, several cities have studied how their jails are used and reported that a small portion of people business relationship for a big number of arrests. Unnecessary arrests toll cities and counties millions of dollars only do cypher to fix the underlying medical, economical, and social problems. For instance, in New York City, a study of frequent utilizers found that the 800 people with the nearly arrests accounted for 18,713 jail admissions and $129 meg in custody and health costs over five years. In Camden, New Jersey, researchers found that 5% of adults accounted for 25% of all arrests over the v-year written report period.

Slideshow ii. Swipe for more detail on the economic, racial, and health disparities between "frequent utilizers" and people who had no past-year arrests. For the raw data used to construct these graphs, run across Appendix Tabular array ii

To better provide national data on "frequent utilizers", we too looked specifically at people who were arrested and booked three or more than times in the past year. We establish like, but often more farthermost, results compared to the findings discussed higher up:

• 42% of people arrested and booked three or more times were Black.
• Almost half (fifty%) of those most oft arrested had annual incomes beneath $10,000 and 85% had incomes below $20,000.
• Educational attainment was lowest amongst people with 3 or more arrests in a yr. Three-quarters (74%) had a high school didactics or less — with 38% without a high schoolhouse diploma.
• The majority of people (61%) arrested three or more times reported having a substance use disorder. Over a quarter (27%) had a serious or moderate mental illness.
• People with 3 or more arrests were more than likely to have been diagnosed with chronic wellness weather condition compared to those with no arrests, including heart conditions (xv% vs. 10%), HIV (4.12% vs. 0.15%), cirrhosis (iii.47% vs. 0.21%), and hepatitis B or C (2.43% vs. i.04%).
• Frequent utilizers were more than likely to utilise emergency rooms multiple times in the by year. 36% of frequent utilizers had used the emergency 2 or more times in the by year, compared to 11% of people with no arrests.

Frequent utilizers are characterized by serious public health needs, mental health or substance apply disorders, and unstable housing conditions. While interventions specifically targeting frequent utilizers of the criminal justice system are however relatively rare, programs in New York City and Denver have demonstrated that it is possible to stop people from cycling in and out of jail by providing appropriate medical care and social services in the community, including supportive housing, mental health and substance use treatment, and case management. These services, which address the underlying problems that can lead to justice involvement, are more cost-efficient, effective, just, and humane than incarcerating people.

Conclusion

Ultimately, our analysis confirms that people who are repeatedly arrested and jailed are arrested for lower-level offenses, have unmet medical and mental wellness needs, and are economically marginalized. Abort and incarceration of these individuals neither enhances public safety nor addresses their underlying needs. Our findings underscore the need to redirect dollars wasted on repeatedly jailing people toward public services that prevent justice involvement in the kickoff place: education, employment assistance, public health, medical and mental wellness services.

Recommendations

Often arresting, jailing and rejailing people who pose little public safety gamble has immediate moral and financial costs. These costs are compounded every bit underlying medical, financial, educational, and mental health needs are exacerbated by arrest and detention. To break this wheel, policymakers at the state and local level should:

Redirect taxpayer dollars from jails to aggrandize access to wellness services:

• Counties should resist jail expansion, close jails when possible, and instead invest in increasing health care capacity. Considering of the limited number of psychiatric beds, which are ofttimes much further away than jails, law enforcement officers frequently observe it easier to ship people with serious mental illness to jail. The Treatment Advancement Center estimates it is 2.5 times quicker for law enforcement to transport someone to a jail compared to a medical facility. For example, at that place are 25 detention sites across Dallas County, Texas, but there are only 3 psychiatric diversion sites for law enforcement. For more on how counties reduce jail populations and invest in community wellness, see our study Does our county really need a bigger jail? A guide for avoiding unnecessary jail expansion.
• Invest in customs-based mental health care and handling for substance use disorders, which tin can foreclose criminal justice involvement in the first place. Enquiry has demonstrated that admission to treatment can reduce both violent and financially motivated crimes in a customs. Moreover, investing in such treatment is estimated to yield a $12 return for every $1 spent, as information technology reduces future crime, costly incarceration, and lowers wellness intendance expenses.
• Counties should besides provide evidence-based mental health and substance use disorder handling in jails, including medication-assisted handling, and connect people with medical care and health insurance upon release to ensure their treatment is not disrupted.

Connect people with social services:

• Expand task training and placement services, educational opportunities, and financial assistance for low-income individuals.
• Expand social services for people with unstable housing, focusing on "Housing Kickoff." This approach acknowledges that stable homes are oftentimes necessary before people can address unemployment, disease, substance use disorder, and other bug. "Housing Showtime" reforms, forth with expanded social services, would assist to disrupt the revolving door of release and reincarceration. Research has found that supportive housing may even pay for itself by reducing people'due south use of other public services, such as emergency medical care.

Reduce the number of arrests and jailable offenses:

• Police force should issue citations in lieu of arrests, which allow defendants to wait for their court date at home without having to go to jail or post coin bail. And local governments should to be sure to link defendants to pretrial services to ensure they brand their courtroom date.^eight
• States should reclassify criminal offenses and plow misdemeanor charges that don't threaten public condom into not-jailable infractions.

Divert people to other service providers earlier arrest, and away from jails afterwards abort:

• States and counties should create pre-abort diversion programs and so people with mental affliction and substance use disorders tin can avoid arrest birthday and be diverted direct to advisable treatment and services. For instance, Constabulary Enforcement Assisted Diversion (Pb) is a pre-arrest diversion program designed for people for people that engage criminal action due to unmet behavioral health needs or poverty. Under Lead, law enforcement diverts peoples who would otherwise exist arrested to instance managers who respond to the firsthand crisis and provide long term intensive case management, including substance apply disorder treatment and housing.
• When people with substance use disorders and/or mental illnesses are arrested, states should make treatment-based diversion programs and other harm reduction strategies the default instead of jail. States should ensure their diversion and damage reduction programs are fully funded.⁹

Evaluate and address the needs frequent utilizers:

• Collect and analyze data in guild to place frequent utilizers and to design interventions. Since frequent utilizers interact with not just the criminal justice organisation, but as well healthcare and homeless services, it is of import to integrate data across agencies. This data is crucial to understanding local frequent utilizer populations and designing effective, bear witness-based interventions. Interventions should besides accost racial and ethnic disparities in the frequent utilizer population.

A notation most using public health data for a criminal justice system analysis

Every bit with most national criminal justice information, which tends to exist outdated, incomplete, and inconsistent,¹⁰ data on jail admissions is extremely limited. The Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) publishes bones descriptive statistics about the 740,000 individuals in jail on a given mean solar day in its annual Jail Inmates reports, and it published a more in-depth Profile of Jail Inmates in 2004, based on a 2002 survey. Yet even basic descriptions of the millions of other individuals who are arrested and jailed over the course of the yr are clearly absent-minded from the data. Until now, in that location has not even been an reply to the basic question: how many individuals are arrested and booked into jails in a given yr? This lack of data restricts policymakers' power to understand and address the high number of yearly arrests and jail admissions.

In order to respond this question, we had to plow to public health data: the 2022 National Survey on Drug Employ and Health (NSDUH). But considering it was not intended to be used to appraise justice-involved populations specifically, its sample excludes ii groups that are likely to be arrested only are hard targets for a survey: incarcerated people (in jails and prisons) and unsheltered homeless people.¹¹ The exclusion of people who were incarcerated or unsheltered homeless when they otherwise would have been surveyed creates a limitation to our analysis, since many were probable arrested and jailed during 2017.

Because of the limitations in both national criminal justice and homelessness information, there is no obvious way to supplement the NSDUH to estimate the number of people who were arrested and booked in 2022 simply excluded from the survey. Neither the BJS nor FBI's Uniform Criminal offense Reporting Program plan keeps track of the number of unique individuals arrested or jailed over the class of a year. Even so, given the high charge per unit of weekly jail turnover (54%) and the fact that the average length of stay in jails in 2022 was just 26 days, we concluded that most of the people who fabricated up the 10.6 million full jail admissions in 2022 were likely nevertheless included in NSDUH.

Despite the limitations of the NSDUH sample, the survey offers the most comprehensive nationally representative data bachelor to depict people who are arrested and jailed, whether once or many times in a yr. Our assay shows there are important differences between those jailed just in one case and those jailed multiple times — differences that take clear policy implications — but the total scope of these differences will remain unknown until we better arrest and jail data collection efforts.

Data Analysis

For our analysis, nosotros used the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration's (SAMHSA's) public online data assay system (PDAS) to run cross tabulations on the National Survey on Drug Utilise and Wellness, 2017. Our analysis included the variables NOBOOKY2 for the number of times arrested and booked, EDUHIGHCAT for education, NEWRACE2 for race, IRPINC3 for income, HIVAIDSEV for HIV status, BKSRVIOL for whether someone had committed a violent law-breaking, UDPYILAL for substance use disorder, SMMIYR_U for serious or moderate mental illness, SPDYR for serious psychological distress, IRWRKSTAT18 for employment, CIRROSEVR for cirrhosis, HRTCONDEV for heart condition, and HEPBCEVER. In order to look at what offenses people committed, we used the following variables: BKMVTHFT (theft), BKDRUNK (drunkenness), BKDRUG (drug offenses), and BKOTHOF2 (for "other offenses," including additional drug violations, theft violations, probation and parole violations, and traffic violations).

For researchers who desire to replicate our work, we found it helpful to accept the steps discussed beneath. When possible, nosotros used variables that were recoded and imputed by SAMHSA so that "Bad data" "blank" "refused" or "don't know" responses were already accounted for and excluded in our analysis and weighting. For variables where SAMHSA did not provide a recoded version, we recoded all missing information, such as "Bad information," "Refused," "Blank," and "Don't Know," into "NA."

Nosotros took boosted steps for some of the of the variables:

• For arrests, nosotros recoded "Legitimate Skip" and "No" responses into "No." ("Legitimate Skip" indicates that the respondent was not asked how many times they were arrested and booked in the past 12 months, because they had previously responded that they had never been arrested).
• Nosotros excluded individuals betwixt 12 and 17 years old from our analyses of the relationships betwixt abort and instruction, employment, and income, since youths are typically still in schoolhouse at those ages rather than the labor force.

Read about the data

Appendix

To do good other researchers who wish to build upon our analysis or demand the precise information behind our graphs, this appendix shares our complete information. The first appendix corresponds with the beginning part of the written report focusing on those with multiple arrests (that is, 2 or more than arrests within 12 months). The 2nd tabular array corresponds with the frequent utilizer department, focusing on the subset of people with multiple arrests that are arrested three or more than times within a year.

Annotation that, due to rounding, percentages may not total 100%.

Table 1. This tabular array summarizes demographic, economic, and health data for people with no arrests, one arrest, and multiple arrests in the past yr.

	Everyone surveyed	No arrests in the by year	1 abort in the past year	Multiple arrests in the past year
Employment status
Employed full time	45.26%	45.44%	44.28%	32.74%
Employed function time	11.78%	eleven.81%	ten.58%	9.43%
Unemployed	iii.94%	3.72%	12.39%	15.07%
Other	29.85%	29.86%	25.74%	33.53%
12-17 Twelvemonth olds	9.17%	nine.16%	7.01%	9.23%
Race/Ethnicity
Not-Hispanic White	62.76%	63.15%	53.49%	45.79%
Non-Hispanic Black/African American	12.08%	11.lxxx%	20.70%	28.08%
Non-Hispanic Native American or Alaskan Native	0.54%	0.51%	2.66%	2.46%
Non-Hispanic Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander	0.39%	0.38%	one.02%	one.20%
Non-Hispanic Asian	five.62%	5.72%	i.64%	ane.29%
Non-Hispanic more than i race	1.80%	i.78%	2.93%	three.23%
Hispanic	16.80%	16.67%	17.56%	17.96%
Sex activity
Male person	48.51%	47.98%	66.88%	77.71%
Female	51.49%	52.02%	33.12%	22.29%
Education
Less than high school	eleven.13%	10.72%	20.21%	35.91%
High school graduate	22.15%	21.93%	30.62%	29.61%
Some college or associates caste	28.23%	28.thirty%	32.19%	21.29%
College graduate	29.32%	29.88%	ix.97%	3.96%
12-17 Yr olds	9.17%	9.xvi%	vii.01%	9.23%
Income
Less than $10,000	21.63%	21.18%	35.85%	48.60%
$10,000 — $19,999	17.89%	17.66%	27.10%	29.35%
$20,000 — $29,999	13.xi%	13.07%	14.57%	12.86%
$30,000 — $39,999	ten.88%	11.01%	six.76%	4.18%
$40,000 — $49,999	eight.65%	8.76%	iv.82%	i.24%
$50,000 — $74,999	12.62%	12.77%	8.09%	iii.02%
$75,000 or more	15.22%	15.55%	2.81%	0.76%
Covered by whatever wellness insurance
Yes	90.58%	90.99%	75.69%	71.84%
No	8.87%	eight.49%	23.35%	27.17%
N/A	0.56%	0.52%	0.96%	0.99%
Past year serious or moderate mental affliction
Yes	9.fifty%	9.23%	22.45%	24.78%
No	90.50%	90.77%	77.55%	75.22%
Past yr psychological distress
Yes	eleven.22%	ten.88%	26.72%	30.15%
No	88.78%	89.12%	73.28%	69.85%
By year illicit drug or alcohol dependence or corruption
Yes	7.27%	6.63%	36.27%	51.54%
No	92.73%	93.37%	63.73%	48.46%
HIV
Yeah	0.16%	0.15%	0.35%	i.68%
No	98.fourscore%	98.95%	98.72%	96.31%
N/A	1.04%	0.xc%	0.93%	iii.01%

Tabular array 2. This table summarizes demographic, economic, and health information for people with no arrests, one arrest, two arrests, and three or more arrests in the past year. This corresponds with the section of the study about frequent utilizers, which we defined equally individuals with three or more arrests within 12 months.

	Everyone surveyed	No arrests in the past year	1 arrest in the past year	2 arrests in the by year	3 or more than arrests in the by yr
Employment status
Employed full time	45.26%	45.44%	44.28%	34.18%	29.62%
Employed office time	xi.78%	11.81%	10.58%	10.78%	6.48%
Unemployed	3.94%	3.72%	12.39%	14.24%	16.88%
Other	29.85%	29.86%	25.74%	33.76%	33.03%
12-17 Year olds	9.17%	9.sixteen%	7.01%	vii.03%	xiii.99%
Race/Ethnicity
Non-Hispanic White	62.76%	63.xv%	53.49%	47.32%	42.46%
Non-Hispanic Blackness/African American	12.08%	eleven.lxxx%	twenty.70%	21.63%	42.08%
Not-Hispanic Native American or Alaskan Native	0.54%	0.51%	two.66%	2.05%	3.36%
Non-Hispanic Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander	0.39%	0.38%	1.02%	ane.63%	0.27%
Non-Hispanic Asian	v.62%	5.72%	i.64%	1.71%	0.38%
Non-Hispanic more than than 1 race	1.lxxx%	1.78%	ii.93%	three.81%	1.96%
Hispanic	sixteen.80%	xvi.67%	17.56%	21.86%	9.50%
Sex
Male	48.51%	47.98%	66.88%	77.00%	79.25%
Female	51.49%	52.02%	33.12%	23.00%	twenty.75%
Pedagogy
Less than loftier schoolhouse	11.thirteen%	10.72%	twenty.21%	34.76%	38.42%
High school graduate	22.15%	21.93%	30.62%	26.92%	35.43%
Some college or associates degree	28.23%	28.thirty%	32.19%	26.26%	10.51%
College graduate	29.32%	29.88%	ix.97%	five.03%	1.64%
12-17 Twelvemonth olds	9.17%	ix.xvi%	7.01%	7.03%	13.99%
Income
Less than $10,000	21.63%	21.eighteen%	35.85%	48.02%	49.96%
$10,000 – $19,999	17.89%	17.66%	27.10%	26.68%	35.threescore%
$20,000 – $29,999	13.11%	thirteen.07%	fourteen.57%	15.12%	vii.56%
$30,000 – $39,999	10.88%	11.01%	6.76%	four.73%	ii.89%
$twoscore,000 – $49,999	eight.65%	8.76%	4.82%	0.94%	1.95%
$fifty,000 – $74,999	12.62%	12.77%	8.09%	3.72%	ane.36%
$75,000 or more	15.22%	15.55%	two.81%	0.78%	0.69%
Covered by any health insurance
Yes	90.58%	90.99%	75.69%	72.13%	71.19%
No	viii.87%	viii.49%	23.35%	27.38%	26.72%
N/A	0.56%	0.52%	0.96%	0.48%	2.09%
By year serious or moderate mental illness
Yes	nine.50%	9.23%	22.45%	23.91%	26.82%
No	90.50%	90.77%	77.55%	76.09%	73.eighteen%
Past twelvemonth psychological distress
Yes	11.22%	10.88%	26.72%	27.25%	36.94%
No	88.78%	89.12%	73.28%	72.75%	63.06%
Past year illicit drug or alcohol dependence or abuse
Yeah	7.27%	6.63%	36.27%	47.33%	60.66%
No	92.73%	93.37%	63.73%	52.67%	39.34%
HIV
Yes	0.16%	0.15%	0.35%	0.56%	iv.12%
No	98.80%	98.95%	98.72%	96.13%	93.52%
N/A	one.04%	0.ninety%	0.93%	iii.31%	2.37%
Hepatitis B or C
Yes	one.09%	1.04%	2.fifty%	9.47%	2.43%
No	97.87%	98.06%	96.57%	87.22%	95.21%
N/A	ane.04%	0.90%	0.93%	3.31%	two.37%
Cirrhosis
Yes	0.22%	0.21%	0.86%	0.55%	iii.47%
No	98.74%	98.89%	98.21%	96.fourteen%	94.16%
N/A	one.04%	0.90%	0.93%	3.31%	ii.37%
Middle Condition
Yeah	9.66%	9.73%	v.36%	half-dozen.21%	14.56%
No	89.31%	89.37%	93.71%	90.48%	83.07%
N/A	1.04%	0.ninety%	0.93%	3.31%	two.37%
Number of emergency room visits in the past twelvemonth
None	72.33%	72.93%	51.55%	53.48%	42.66%
I	14.18%	14.05%	22.49%	21.04%	18.26%
Two	7.08%	6.94%	12.32%	16.thirty%	23.52%
3 plus	4.31%	4.16%	9.82%	9.13%	12.33%
N/A	two.xi%	1.92%	iii.81%	0.05%	3.23%

About the Prison Policy Initiative

The not-profit, non-partisan Prison Policy Initiative was founded in 2001 to expose the broader damage of mass criminalization and spark advocacy campaigns to create a more just order. Through accessible, big-picture reports, the organization helps the public engage more fully in criminal justice reform. Its previous reports Era of Mass Expansion and Detaining the Poor helped put the demand for jail and bond reform into the national chat. More recently, information technology published, past the same author, Does our canton really need a bigger jail? A guide for avoiding unnecessary jail expansion. The Prison Policy Initiative as well leads the nation's fight against prison-based gerrymandering and plays a leading office in protecting the families of incarcerated people from the predatory prison and jail telephone and video calling industries.

About the authors

Alexi Jones is a Policy Analyst at the Prison Policy Initiative. Since joining the Prison Policy Initiative, Lexi has authored Correctional Control 2018: Incarceration and supervision by state, which shows that prison house is only 1 piece of the much larger moving-picture show of correctional command, discusses the harms of probation in particular, and provides breakdowns of the criminal justice system in each state. Nearly recently, she authored Does our county really need a bigger jail? A guide for avoiding unnecessary jail expansion and co-authored Land of Phone Justice: Local jails, state prisons, and phone providers with Peter Wagner.

Wendy Sawyer is a Senior Policy Annotator at the Prison Policy Initiative. She is the co-author, with Peter Wagner, of Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie (2018 and 2019) and States of Incarceration: The Global Context 2018. She is as well the writer of Youth Confinement: The Whole Pie and The Gender Split: Tracking women'southward state prison growth, as well as the 2022 report Punishing Poverty: The high cost of probation fees in Massachusetts.

Acknowledgments

This report was fabricated possible cheers to the generous back up of the MacArthur Foundation's Safety and Justice Challenge, and the contributions of individuals across the land who support justice reform. Wanda Bertram and Peter Wagner provided invaluable feedback and editorial guidance. Lucius Couloute, Mack Finkel, and Dan Kopf helped answer critical data questions, and Roxanne Daniel provided research aid.

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Source: https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/repeatarrests.html

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